Review The Boer War History Essay

Review The Boer War History Essay The Boer War of 1899 was a dirty little conflict. It started as a result of cultural resentment between the Boers (Dutch settlers) and immigrating British. At first, the war was fought with the honor typically associated with the British, but, in the end, it turned nasty. South Africas Cape of Good Hope was colonized in the 17th century by Dutch Boers (farmers). The Boers used African slaves on their farms. Britain occupied the Cape during the Napoleonic wars and took complete control after the Congress of Vienna. Slavery was abolished throughout the British Empire in 1833. Many of the Boers then decided that they could no longer live under British rule. They began moving northward and soon established two independent republics the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. There was peace between British and Boers until the Boer republics were found to be rich in diamonds and gold. Fortune hunters, mostly British, poured in to stake claims. The Dutch farmers called these people uitlanders (outlanders) and bitterly resented their intrusion. In 1895 the outlanders in the Transvaal planned a revolt against the Boer government. The British Empire, seeing their subjects mistreated, decided to get involved. Leander Jameson, with a small British force, invaded the Transvaal to aid the uprising. The Jameson raid was a total failure. The angered Boers, led by their president, Paul Kruger, began to arm themselves. Militarily, the conflict between Boer and British forces can be divided into two phases: first, a period of Boer commando successes, quickly reversed after the arrival of the main British force in January 1900, which captured the republican capitals between March and June. Then came a guerrilla phase when the Boer forces regrouped after the fall of Pretoria and carried on the conflict for two years before reluctantly accepting peace terms from the British in May 1902 in the Treaty of Pretoria. Though often called a white mans war, this conflict involved the entire population of South Africa in one way or another. Boer women and children who were evicted from farms or villages put to the torch by the British, were either sent to concentration camps where many died from disease, or went to endure the exposure of commando life in the field. African ex-miners and farm laborers were also concentrated in camps, and drawn into labor tasks by the British Army. Boers raided the African reserv es for food. Africans reasserted control over land and livestock previously taken by Boers, and on rare occasions attacked Boer commandos. Martial law was proclaimed step by step across the whole region, and the movements of people were drastically restricted. For African scouts on the British side, or Boers caught in captured British uniforms, punishments were swift and final, while of the 10 000 Cape Afrikaner rebels convicted of treason, a small proportion of those sentenced to death by military courts were indeed shot. Under Gruger*s Republic, Natal and the Cape, two of Britains colonies, were invaded in October 1899 by the Boers. They besieged a British force at Ladysmith. Other troops were pinned down at Kimberley and Mafeking. The second war, which lasted until 1902, was underway. Between September 1900 and the peace of Pretoria in May 1902, Boer commandos fought a prolonged guerrilla war against the British, who responded by putting Boer civilians in concentration camps. Then reinforcements came to the British from Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. In March 1900 Frederick Sleigh Roberts, the British commander who had been the hero of the Indian mutiny, captured Bloemfontein, capital of the Orange Free State. In June British forces reached Pretoria, capital of the Transvaal. The greatly outnumbered Boers continued to fight under Louis Botha, Christiaan de Wet, and Jan Smuts. Herbert Kitchener, the new British commander in chief, then decided and eventually proceeded to bring the war to an end. He advanced slowly, burning farms and establishing concentration camps for Boer civilians. The camps had a high death rate, due largely to lack of medical services. The Treaty of Pretoria (May 31, 1902) ended the war. The Transvaal and the Orange Free State became British colonies. Both Dutch and English were made official languages. Britain then began to restore the devastated farms of the Boers. The Union of South Africa was established as a self-governing dominion in 1910. The Transvaal and the Orange Free State became provinces of the Union. The first prime minister was the Boer general Louis Botha. Having lost the war, the Boers, however, won the peace. British pro-Boers had undermined the moral complacency of the victors, who decided to grant generous terms to the Boers, in order to ensure an enduring influence in southern Africa. This was largely at the expense of Africans (who were excluded from political power and forced to give back much land retaken from Boers during the war years). Britain implemented this decision from 1906 to 1907, by granting constitutions which gave Afrikaners political of both ex-republics with perhaps more gen erosity than was intended. But they did not object in 1909 when the South African National Convention opted for a constitution which ensured the retention of political power in white (predominantly Afrikaner) hands. The first attempted use of wireless telegraphy in war took place during the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902, according to a paper to be presented by Brian Austin, University of Liverpool in England, at the conference 100 Years of Radio sponsored by the IEE in London Sept. 5-7. His account details the early efforts by the British Army and Navy to use the new technology, which had been demonstrated by Guglielmo Marconi in 1896. The State Archives, located here, record that the Krugers Boer Republic placed an order for six wireless telegraphy sets from the firm Siemens and Halske on Aug. 24, 1899. The sets, which cost 110 Pounds Sterling, were supposed to provide communication for the fortifications around Pretoria. They had a guaranteed range of nearly 15 kilometers and used antennas 36 meters high. However, the sets never reached Krugers forces because they were confiscated by customs in Cape Town. Later, British forces tried unsuccessfully to use the equipment supplied by Marconi on the arid inland plains of South Africa, possibly plagued by ground conductivity and the lack of matching resonances of the essentially quarter-wave antennas. The British Navy had more luck after installing five of the sets the army rejected in the Delagoa Bay Squadron. Successful experiments over a range of 85 kilometers were recorded on April 13, 1900, and unsubstantiated claims were made for communication between Delagoa Bay and Durban, a distance of nearly 460 kilometers. Lynn Fordred, curator for the Corps of Signals Museum, said parts from the original equipment are in storage at the School of Signals in Heidelberg. Her research for a book dealing with military communications in South Africa highlights the roles of personalities and the problems experienced in coming to grips with the new technology. While the British Army showed a surpassing lack of interest in wireless telegraphy after their initial failures, Fordred said the Boer forces were unexpectedly progressive in their use of telegraphy and telephone facilities, and even had a telephone exchange at a time when the British Army had none. The concentration camps were places where African and Boer women and children and Boer men unfit for service were herded together by the British army during the War. Many of these people had become homeless as a result of the destructive tactics which the British army adopted in the Transvaal and Orange Free State after the last months of 1900 in order to deprive the Boer commandos the means of subsistence and thus force their surrender. Attempts had been first made to burden the combatants with these dependents in the hope of breaking the morale of the commandos. When this proved unsuccessful, it was decided to house then on-combatants in camps. The first two of these were established, as a result of a military notice of 22 September, 1900, to protect the families of burghers who had surrendered voluntarily. As the families of combatant burghers were also driven into these camps, they ceased to be refugee camps and acquired the concentration camp designation, as did other camps esta blished later in the War. Eventually there were 50 camps, in which about 136 000 people were interned. The families were conveyed to the camps by ox-wagon, trolley or railway train usually in open coal- or cattle trucks without any sanitary arrangements or they even marched on foot. No proper provision had been made for their housing. Numbers of them had at first to make shift in the open until tents were provided, or were held in the camps. Those who did not receive tents were, according to the report of the British commission of inquiry: placed, in every conceivable kind of dwelling, from a church vestry, hotel and store to a blacksmiths forge. In the opinion of the commission some of the places were hardly suitable for pigs. As there were insufficient blankets, clothes and other means of protection, and sometimes not even beds or mattresses, the internees were exposed, especially on the Highveld of the Transvaal and the Orange F. State, to extreme privations which undermined th eir strength, more especially in the case of the large numbers of small children. The food supplies in the camps, which were often established on badly chosen sites and were dangerously overcrowded from the start, was wretched. Not only was the food inadequate, but the quality, especially of the meat, sugar and flour, was at first very poor, while vegetables, fruit and other essential foodstuffs were not supplied at all; consequently, many of the inmates, especially children, wasted away to living skeletons within a few months. One British camp doctor felt compelled to report that, on account of the deficiency in diet the children especially become emaciated and have very little resisting power to disease. The sanitation, too, was very inefficient. No adequate provision was made for the disposal of garbage, and the latrines were so primitive that they became breeding-grounds for germs and areas of infection. So disease, particularly measles, broke out in the camps during 1901 and, a s there were not enough doctors or other medical care, the death-rate became appallingly high. The climax was in October, 1901, when the figure was 326 per 1 000 per year for the Transvaal camps and 401 per 1 000 per year for those in the O.F.S. The reports of camp superintendents as well as those of Emily Hobhouse showed that this was due to the bad conditions, and there was an outcry from the whole world, including England itself. This forced the British government to order a full investigation by a committee of prominent women, and sweeping changes were made in accordance with their recommendations. As a result of these changes, introduced toward the close of 1901, and which included great improvements in housing, sanitation, food-supply, medical attention, and protection against cold, the death-rate immediately dropped and by March 1902, was back to normal. Altogether, approximately 27 927 persons died in the camps 1 676 mainly elderly men, 4 177 women and 22 074 children under 16. An unknown Boer General wrote the following in his diary. The terrible prospectthat the continuation of the war would in that manner eradicate our whole generation, was one of the main reasons why the Boers ceased fighting and acknowledged defeat. It left a deeper impression on the Afrikaners mind than any other event in their history, and strengthened their determination to strive for national self-preservation and the recovery of political independence. The five battles of Belmont (Nov 23, 1899), Modder River (Nov 28, 1899), Magersfontein (Dec 11, 1899), Colenso (Dec 15, 1899) and Spion Kop (Jan 24, 1990) respectively, were all fought on the soil of British South Africa. That this would be an advantage in terms of morale and military maneuver turned out to be a rather foolhardy expectation. The conventional military goals of the overthrow and occupation of the enemy capitals were not pursued, but rather the relief of Kimberley and Ladysmith became the modus operandi of the British forces. Kimberley, because it could have provided a sorely-needed source of capital for the strained coffers of the Boer Republics, and Ladysmith because it would have given the Boer forces a quick road to Durban and more importantly, its seaport, dramatically increasing the chances of foreign intervention. The political ramifications for British prestige throughout the Empire, of the fall of either of these towns were not underestimated by those in Whiteh all. On a basic military level, these campaigns were hardly successful. However, their impact on the war in terms of the subsequent change of official attitude was immense. The Boer forces were not tribesmen fighting on foot with antiquated weaponry. They were mounted and equipped with the latest rifles and artillery from France, Germany and England. Many of the commandos were veterans of various wars against tribes throughout the region. The battles waged after these campaigns were fought with these hard lessons in mind. These stinging episodes introduced the British army to modern warfare and highlighted the weaknesses of the enemy the Boer forces.

Donna Tartt’s The Secret History Essay

Nietzsche’s philosophy has made for itself a unique cornerstone in the sense that it is not involved with pedantic aspects of ethics and other branches of epistemology. This seminal German thinker moves swiftly along majority of philosophical schools of thought. His exploration of the classical elements in literature, as found in the ancient Hellenic society, is manifested beautifully in Birth of Tragedy. The longstanding debate between the subjectivity and the objectivity of art is addressed to critically by Nietzsche in this book. The basic idea he propagates in Birth of Tragedy involves reality with forms and the same without, and the comparison therein. Known as the Dionysian and the Apollonian, this classical Greek model sums up humankind’s perpetual struggle to arrive at a state of equilibrium. Nietzsche argues that in our effort to pursue a meaningful existence, we need to discard the preposterous viewpoints of the Apollonian and have to embrace the Dionysian. Similar thoughts are expressed in Hermann Hesse’s illustrious work Steppenwolf which thematically deals with the Nietzschean Apollonian versus the Dionysian. The protagonist Haller is psychologically preoccupied with two contrasting facets of personality – the sensible and logical faculty of mind as opposed to the passionate and appetitive. Nietzsche assigns the terms ‘Apollonian’ and ‘Dionysian’ to these two primal worldviews of Greek tragedy. This essay is going to make a comparative study between the Apollonian and the Dionysian with reference to modern literature. To make the comparison, we have chosen Donna Tartt’s The Secret History, one of the originative post-modern fictions from the fatalistic school of literary works. In many ways, this novel echoes the Athenian concept of fate as being an overpowering element responsible for altering the desirable course of events. Idiosyncrasy is the key conceptual component in Nietzsche’s ethical doctrines. Time and again, he questions the acceptability of the prevalent trends that outline the social norms and fashions. What is far less understood in a generic attempt manifests itself intelligibly when associated with a context. â€Å"Nietzsche does not present us with a systematic theory of knowledge. Any attempt to construct one on the basis of his scattered remarks, aphorisms, poetry, and myth would be a difficult, if not impossible, task. It would, above all, be contrary to the intention of his thought and lead to a distortion of his views. Nietzsche, as Walter Kaufmann rightly asserts, is not a system builder, but a problem thinker. † (Pfeffer, p. 95-96) Now in the context of the ancient Greek anthology, both the Apollonian and the Dionysian worldviews were present, resulting in a clash of ideologies. Nietzsche borrows these two terms from the two Greek gods Apollo and Dionysus. The former symbolically represents clarity of form and interpretation, and therefore is suggestive of a linear human personality. Dionysus, on the other hand, stands for frolic and extravagance, hinting at the presence of multiple personalities within a single entity. On one hand he is the god of chaos and unrestrained emotions. But at the same time, he is also the divine countenance of richness and productivity. Hence the Dionysian school of thought deals with formlessness of expression which is closer to art perceived from an unbiased and liberal standpoint. Greek tragedy in its heydays attained sublimity when the two distinctive art forms merged with one another to form a seamless continuum. The beginning of Athenian tragedy was hinged on the Dionysian tradition before the other one sprang up, neutralizing the discordant elements. In a way, fluidity of the Dionysian elements seek platitude through the Apollonian directness. It was a matter of great curiosity for Nietzsche that such contrasting ideologies should ever be able to define tragedy (Pfeffer, p. 32). The flowing nature of Greek opera is worth mentioning in the context of the Dionysian. Music to a great extent is governed by the freedom of form and expression. Normative aspects of the Apollonian do not comply with the ecstatic jubilance conveyed through music. It evokes directly to man’s impulsive and spontaneous nature and hence, is not limited to the external forces of reason and dependence. The ingrained harmony in music is therefore counterbalanced by the Apollonian concept of plastic arts and epic poetry. What makes Greek tragedy a culmination of the Apollonian and the Dionysian is that the poetic genre characterized by reasoning can actually strike a harmonious chord and reach a level of elevated intensity as well as greater profundity. So the expansive verticality of this blending highlights Nietzsche’s exemplary vision of thought and his engineering capacity to induct precision qualities into the philosophy of literature. His unique interpretation of art and tragedy is not based on the conventional techniques. Rather it dissociates itself from the content and creates an aura of universality which can be aptly applied to any epoch of literary practices: â€Å"After recognizing this immense antithesis, I felt a deep need to explore the nature of Greek tragedy which is the profoundest manifestation of the Hellenic genius; only now did I seem to possess the key to probe deeply into the essential problems of tragedy that were no longer derived from conventional aesthetics. † (Pfeffer, p. 32) What is stated in the previous part of discussion is affirmed furthermore by Ansell-Pearson in A companion to Nietzsche. In Birth of Tragedy, he develops a style which is not only mechanical in discourse, but also highly sporadic in terms of articulating the individualistic notions so distinctive of Nietzsche (Ansell-Pearson, p. 58). The metaphysical utterance of Nietzsche deviates from what the contemporary philosophers such as Schopenhauer propagated in their doctrines. Many Greek authors, Euripides for instance, viewed the cosmos as a continuous process of creation primarily in accordance with the Apollonian traits. The Dionysian break down of form is not associated with the fictional content of human existence. The antithetical elements inherent in any human being are overlooked by Euripides in Bacchae. Claims made by Kant and Goethe that form and matter are irreversible in nature are given a refreshing new direction by Nietzsche in Birth of Tragedy. He establishes a linkage between what Euripides calls ‘organic fiction’ and plurality of human nature. He does not try to draw any kind of imposed distinction between the two incongruous constructs. Euripides’ Bacchae does not fit into Nietzsche’s delineation of metaphysics. If we strive to look into Bacchae in the light of the Apollonian and the Dionysian derivatives, we would be able to see clearly into the dubiousness of the latter one. Chronicling the historical event of Dionysus’ arrival to the royal court of Greece, Euripides presents a controversial topic involving man’s stance in relation with god. Even though this drama is written to question many of the old systems of belief, what remains extremely perplexing is the playwright’s ultimate focus. Euripides questions the vague borderline between intellect and feeling, reality and vision, and logic and craziness. But at the same time, he refrains from arriving at any conclusive outcome that would give a clue to the reason behind mankind’s endless misery. What Donna Tartt portrays in The Secret History resembles the thematic literary genealogy of Bacchae. The idea which is propagated through this novel involves the secularism of spirit as the ultimate winner in modern world. The sheer fatality of occurrences at random does not leave a chance of revisiting the past to find plausible explanations. In this sense, this novel is comparable with Birth of Tragedy and its promotion of the Dionysian worldview. This novel can be seen as a modernistic attempt to recreate the primitive world of the Dionysian rites and rituals. On the surface it is just a murder mystery which does not deserve any deeper analysis. But Tartt invests in this apparent murder mystery a profound understanding of the Apollonian versus the Dionysian, and the confrontation between reality and imagination, between social impositions and the human longing for liberation. Aristotle’s viewpoint on the Catharsis is also dealt with effectively, creating an opening for interpreting life outside the beauty of literary premises. A deeper understanding of The Secret History is bound to reveal the classical and literary elements explored in the novel. The etymology of this representative work is closely analogous to both Nietzsche’s Birth of Tragedy and Euripides’ Bacchae. It is indeed fascinating to find a connective bonding with two earlier works dissimilar in nature. First and foremost, Nietzsche’s confrontation with disillusionment in the context of Athenian literature dominated by the Apollonian worldview is stripped off in The Secret History. Events occurring within a timeline which is non-linear in nature do not imply Schopenhauer’s doctrine of the world as ‘maya’ (Segal, p. 361). The gradual disorientation of the lives of six students predates Nietzsche’s preoccupation with answering the question involving human individualism and its manifold expressions. The Secret History propels the earlier school of thought introduced by Schopenhauer: â€Å"Although Nietzsche frequently speaks of â€Å"illusion† in connection with Dionysus and tragedy, he has in mind Schopenhauer’s notions of the world as â€Å"maya†, the self-deception with which human beings (with the exception of the Nietzschean philosopher) mask the emptiness and meaninglessness of their lives, and hardly the kind of theatrical, and metatheatrical, illusion of my chapter on metatragedy. † (Segal, p. 361) It is clear from the three readings that The Secret History along with Steppenwolf is ideologically in proximity to Nietzsche’s Birth of Tragedy. What emerges out of Euripides’ Bacchae is a different doctrinal claim which does not provide any scholarly ground for either the Apollonian or the Dionysian worldviews. Euripides leaves it ambiguous as to which school of thought should the literary definition of tragedy comply with. It is rather a mixture of the Dionysian revelry associated with choir singing and the Apollonian poetry. However, the drama does not provide too much room for calculating the extent of each, therefore making the task of classification immensely difficult and problematic. References Pfeffer, R. (1972). Nietzsche: disciple of Dionysus. Lewisburg: University of Bucknell. Segal, C. (1997). Dionysiac poetics and Euripides’ Bacchae. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Ansell-Pearson, K. (2006). A compilation to Nietzsche. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell.

Whispered Academic Papers for Sale Secrets

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Substance Abuse Is An Ever Growing Problem - 1510 Words

Why has substance abuse in the field of nursing been on the rise for the past 100 years? Could it be because of the high levels of stress along with the incredible toll working in the field of nursing takes on the body? Several different reasoning’s have been brought forth throughout the years, but nothing changes the fact that this is an increasing problem that has to be dealt with within the profession. â€Å"Addiction among nurses has been recognized by professionals in the field for over 100 years, and current estimates place rates of substance misuse, abuse, and abdication as high as 20% among practicing nurses† (Monroe et al., 2011, p. 504). This is alarming because nurses are in a position where they cannot afford to be mentally or†¦show more content†¦What one person may say regarding the issue may vary from the next. When discussing the topic of substance abuse among nurses the severity of the action might differ when mentioning the problem to nurse m anager or charge nurse. Views on substance abuse may also change when discussing the topic with a fellow nurses as well as patients. The roles of the nurse managers and charge nurses are to insure competence as well as the functionality of the nurses that are under their supervision. In looking at this topic from the perspective of a nurse manager or a charge nurse it may seem like the nurses is putting both their patients and the hospital at risk so their first action may be to address the problem.† The impact of workplace substance abuse includes increased workplace accidents and injuries and increased use of health benefits, workers compensation, and disability claims† (Epstein et. al., 2010, p. 515). There may be an underlying reason to why this nurse has chosen to go down this destructive path and it may also be the nurse manager or charge duty to address this problem. Substance abusing nurses are hazardous to have in the work place and removed from the floor and se nding that the nurse to get some needed help may be the duty of that charge nurse or nurse manager, because the nurse may not be willing to listen to fellow floor nurses. From the perspective of fellow nurses, they may not want